A Realization-OT Analysis of Left-Edge Exponence in Tashlhiyt Berber

This paper argues that in Tashlhiyt Berber the plural prefix i- occupies a single prefix position at the left edge of the noun and, as a consequence, neutralizes the contrast between the Free State (the elsewhere case form) and the Construct State (the morphologically marked case form) in the masculine plural. In this context, the Free-State plural and Construct-State plural surface identically, while the singular continues to display the regular alternation between a- (Free State) and u-/w- (Construct State). The analysis treats state distinctions as case distinctions in a marked-nominative system and shows that their neutralization in the plural constitutes a genuine instance of case syncretism rather than effects of phonology.The study brings together a small but representative set of noun paradigms (consonant-initial augmental nouns, vowel-initial stems with lexical vowels, feminine nouns, and loanwords with initial l ) across clear syntactic environments for the two state forms. The pattern is analysed in Realization-Optimality Theory using directional Output–Output correspondence. A high-ranking identity constraint forces the Construct-State plural to match the Free-State plural at the left edge, while a ban on multiple prefixes restricts exponent competition. The resulting system yields local syncretism only in the masculine plural of augmental nouns, whereas vowel-initial stems, feminines, and loanwords retain or block state marking as expected.